Everyday Resistance, Cultural Preservation, and Neighborhood Identity in Doyers Street

Youth Researcher

Once known as the bloodiest street in America, home to gang wars, and Hollywood style ambushes and shootouts, Doyers Street, or the “Bloody Angle,” exemplifies how New York City’s Chinatown has changed throughout the 20th century.^¹

Street view of Doyers Street, Chinatown, Courtesy of Eric Y. Ng, Museum of Chinese in America (MOCA) collection. — A Street View of Doyers St, Chinatown. Accessed via MOCA.

Now, street seating, colorful murals, restaurants and barbershops define Doyers Street. Located at the heart of a vibrant, and bustling Chinatown, Doyers Street’s transformation begs the question of how Chinatown became what it is today.

The narrative of Chinatown as a slum and underdeveloped neighborhood led city planners, entrepreneurs, and merchants to consistently attempt to urbanize and reform Chinatown in an effort to sterilize the area and spur economic activity through tourism and business.^¹

New York Herald Sun, Jan 27, 1918 — An Article from the NY Sun in 1918 documenting "The Bloody Angle."

However, the urban renewal plans of the twentieth century were rooted in orientalist stereotypes of exotic Chinese culture, and were catered towards tourists, benefiting outsiders while displacing longtime residents already struggling in poverty.^¹ These revitalization projects toe the line of cultural exploitation and the destruction of authentic culture and tradition.

While traditional narratives of rejecting exploitative plans overlook the agency of residents, acts of everyday resistance by individuals like cultural storytelling, the operation of family-owned businesses, activism, and artistry have played significant roles in preserving authentic cultural identity by resisting negative stereotypes and Western conceptions of Chinatown. Instead, they supplement larger movements of activism and the operations of community organizations, and attract the same economic growth and tourism that historical urban renewal projects have targeted, without ceding the right of self-determination for neighborhood identity.

With that, we’ll head back in time to the birth of New York’s Chinatown, and the larger phenomena of ethnic enclaves across America.

Postcard of Chinatown — Novelty postcard of Chinatown, accessed via the Tenement Musuem. Image courtesy of the New York Public Library.

Chinatowns were initially formed as an act of resistance. They were formed as safe havens from racial violence, and an ethnic enclave that would shield Chinese immigrants from discrimination, racial violence and hostility, and structural violence in policy.^¹

Indeed, policies like the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and the Court decision People v. Hall legalized the discrimination and exclusion of Chinese people, and spurred violence against hate crimes, with 153 anti-Chinese riots following the Exclusion Act.^¹ Thus, because they lacked protection and legal asylum, residents moved to Chinatowns to seek safety in numbers, creating networks of ethnic solidarity, despite strong homeowning restrictions and lack of citizenship.^¹

But, it was also in these early origins that Chinese residents established laundries, opened family-owned restaurants, secured their first homes, and planted their roots. Now, Chinatowns still remain as cultural epicenters.^¹

In Doyers Street today, restaurants are hubs of conversation and connection. In the neighboring Columbus Park, elders play games, traditional Chinese music plays in the background, and community members play sports, converse, and read the news. You can hear multiple dialects of Chinese, and feel the forces of a unique cultural and ethnic neighborhood identity.

But it was not always like this for the residents of Chinatown. Indeed, throughout the 20th century, the perception of Chinatown as a slum created a characterization of residents as needing to be sterilized, which led to substantial interest in urban destruction as a means to clean up Chinatown.

Historian Domenic Vitiello identifies three periods of planned destruction in New York City’s Chinatown. Starting in the 1890s, the City Beautiful period lasted until the 1930s, followed by the Urban Renewal period from the 40s to the 70s, and finally, downtown revitalization, which has continued to the present day.^¹

In these periods, Chinatowns are often destroyed to make room for infrastructure projects like roads, highways, and office buildings. Across the board, landlords, police, and health departments advocated for the removal of Chinatowns, and the press and public opinion generally supported these proposals as well.^¹

A 1906 Article from The Evening World.

This 1906 article directly advocates for the destruction of Chinatown, characterizing it as a slum for “Chinamen.” There seems to be a “unanimous” idea that Chinatown should be demolished in order to remove the bad energy and immoral atmosphere of the area. The source believes that the neighborhood is a corruptive force, turning good people into criminals, and as such, makes the case for necessary urban renewal and Chinatown’s destruction. Further, the article suggested that this was a notion supported by Progressive Chinese, stating,

"No crimes of violence are committed by the Chinese outside of those limits. The disorderly element inhabits that slum and congregates there to prey on the peaceable and law-abiding… Progressive Chinese merchants are in favor of tearing down that slum."^¹

Secondary sources explain that urban planning initiatives view neighborhoods as places of monetary opportunity, and projects like the China Village plan in the 1950s believed that demolishing buildings in central Chinatown would better the neighborhood’s economic state, and create a positive image of Chinatown that would boost investment.^¹ Indeed, during this period, the State Commission on Housing declared Chinatown a slum, advocating for a neighborhood that was urban, modern, and sanitary.^¹

Although Chinatowns were able to avoid these projects on a larger scale, forces like racial capitalism and a strong economic pressure to attract tourists and investment led many businesses to embrace Western, oriental conceptions of Chinese tradition and culture, showcasing exoticism instead of authenticity.

In store windows today, you can see trinkets of this pressure, with storefronts featuring perceived traditional and authentic items and designs. Even in the architecture, certain lamp posts have flairs of exotic designs, and others have oriental arches.

The Chinese Tuxedo was a very popular Chinese American restaurant that emerged in 1897, and a modern bar of the same name exists today on Doyers Street! In order to beat out the competition and attract wealthy customers who wanted an exotic experience, the Chinese Tuxedo’s outside decorations were in a Chinese style with a wooden dragon. The self-orientalization of the restaurant was ultimately a concession, allowing wealthy outsiders to infiltrate the ethnic enclave of Chinatown.^¹

Chinese Tuxedo Postcard — A postcard with a depiction of the inside of the first fine dining restaurant in Chinatown, Chinese Tuxedo.

Devastatingly, in multiple occasions, developers have commodified Chinatown’s diversity for economic gain, exploiting non-whiteness and “otherness ” to gain value.^¹ However, coalitions and community advocacy have preserved Chinatowns nationwide and are consistently active forces.

Take for example, Doyers Street’s Stories in Flight floor mural.^¹ The mural is a collaboration between Chinatown nonprofits and independent artists, depicts swallows from Chinese mythology. “They travel swiftly, alongside one another, past each other, briefly meeting, then parting.”

Birds eye view of "Stories from Flight" — "Stories in Flight," is a 4800 square ft mural on Doyers Street created by Colleen Kong-Savage.

Another mural, featuring prominent Asian American photographer Corky Lee, who documented communities like Chinatown, showcases the story of Chinese immigration and labor — telling an authentic story amid the pressure of self-orientalizing.^¹ You can read more about Corky Lee's life and contribution's in Amelia's exhibit, here.

Corky Lee Mural — A mural of Corky Lee on Doyers St, created by Marisa Molina in 2021.

A third mural completes the trifecta of artistry on Doyers Street, with artist Gian Galang and his mural, Chinatown Warriors, which tells the story of Chinatown’s legacy and history of resilience and activism through a dynamic martial arts piece.^¹

Photograph of Chinatown Warriors Mural — "Chinatown Warriors," mural, created by Gian Galang on Doyers St in 2023.

On the same street, The Nom Wah tea parlor is the longest, continuously running restaurant in New York and in Chinatown.

A still from Ruiyu's documentary. The front entrance of Nom Wah Tea Parlor in Doyers St.

Starting in 1920, the dim sum restaurant opened for the first time at 13-15 Doyers Street, where it operates at 11-13 Doyers today. Serving as a neighborhood staple, the restaurant endured years of harmful urban planning projects, gang violence, and economic instability.

Contemporary historian Diane Wong argues that discussions generated in stores, restaurants, and other community spaces in neighborhoods like Chinatown can create intergenerational dialogue.^¹ Instead of attracting tourists through oriental embellishments, authenticity in stores are places for knowledge sharing, and the development of shared understandings and insight around present-day economic struggles like gentrification and rising Asian hate.^¹ Informal dialogue or as Wong terms it, “shop talk,” in public spaces can also be key to strategize and resistance against gentrification, and mobilizing grassroots action through organizations like the WOW project and Basement Workshop, which are community based-initiatives centered around intimate and authentic dialogue.^¹

Even as tourists still flow into the neighborhood of Chinatown, experienced tour guides take them through the history of Chinatown, offering significant cultural education and understanding.

In the larger narrative of resistance towards exploitative urban renewal projects, which often overlooks the contributions of Chinatown’s residents, it is important to recognize the work and agency of individuals, and grassroots community organizations.

At 4 p.m. most weekdays, the cleanup crew of the community development corporation, The Chinatown Partnership, assist with stowing away outdoor seating chairs, and collect trash. The organization's clean streets program provides sanitation programs, public safety, hospitality, and community services which are key for economic attraction and employment opportunities.^¹

Sanitation Workers, Doyers St — A still from Ruiyu's documentary of Sanitation Workers from The Chinatown Partnership.

Through phenomena of urban revitalization, discrimination, tourism, and gentrification, the people, stories, art, and architecture surrounding the street provide insight to Chinatown’s rich and deep history.

It is my hope that through the synergy of oral history and status quo storytelling, we’ve captured the relationship between the past and present in Chinatown, and taken you through the birth, revival, and survival of the community.

In addition to watching the documentary, please listen to the following oral histories to get a full picture of Chinatown:

Lee, Corky. Chinatown Legacy Project: Corky Lee. Interview by Wun Kuen Ng. New York Public Library Community Oral History Project, January 19, 2017. https://wayback.archive-it.org/14173/20200911135218mp_/http://oralhisto….

Tang, Wilson. Chinatown Legacy Project: Wilson Tang. Interview by Wun Kuen Ng. New York Public Library Community Oral History Project, March 5, 2017. https://wayback.archive-it.org/14173/20200912015956mp_/http://oralhistory.nypl.org/interviews/wilson-tang-rumkf.

Yuen, Margaret. Chinatown Legacy Project: Margaret Yuen. Interview by Jeff Katz. New York Public Library Community Oral History Project, November 28, 2016. https://wayback.archive-it.org/14173/20200911170617mp_/http://oralhisto….

Bibliography

Chen, Xiayu, Yuanyuan Hu, Qingwen Xu, and Yu Xie. “Aging in Chinatowns: The Meaning of Place and Aging Experience for Older Immigrants.” Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 37, no. 4 (November 19, 2022): 375–91. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10823-022-09463-1.

Feng, Alice, Jean Kapkanoff, Shao Ye Li, Seth Pollack, Muneeba Talukder, and Samanthan Varn. “Chinatown Gentrification.” Queens College Urban Studies 320, 2011. https://qcurban.commons.gc.cuny.edu/files/2013/04/Chinatown-Gentrificat….

Getty Images. “Chinese New Year Celebration in New York’s Chinatown,” January 26, 1933. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/video/happy-new-year-folks-new-york-….

Getty Images. “The Streets Are Filled with Pedestrians and Traffic in Chinatown in Manhattan.,” January 1, 1910. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/video/the-streets-are-filled-with-pe….

Harvard Economics Review. “The Effects of COVID-19 on Manhattan’s Chinatown.” HU Econ Review, August 4, 2020. https://www.economicsreview.org/post/the-effects-of-covid-19-on-manhatt….

Li, Chuo. “Commercialism and Identity Politics in New York’s Chinatown.” Journal of Urban History 41, no. 6 (January 30, 2015): 1118–34. https://doi.org/10.1177/0096144214566956.

Museum of Chinese in America. “Doyers Street – Museum of Chinese in America,” September 9, 2019. https://www.mocanyc.org/collections/stories/doyers-street/.

Naram, Kartik. “No Place like Home: Racial Capitalism, Gentrification, and the Identity of Chinatown.” Harvard Kennedy School Student Policy Review, June 29, 2017. https://studentreview.hks.harvard.edu/no-place-like-home-racial-capital….

New York Herald. “Chinatown of the Present a Sad Shadow of the Past.” January 27, 1918. https://newscomwc.newspapers.com/image/207092760/.

Ostrow, Daniel. Manhattan’s Chinatown. Arcadia Publishing, 2008.

Rotograph Company. “Interior of Chinese Tuxedo, N.Y. City.” Seymour B. Durst Old York Library, 2025. https://dlc.library.columbia.edu/durst/cul:c59zw3r278.

Santiago, Michael. “AAPI Rally against Hate Held in New York City.” Getty Images, March 21, 2021. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/video/senate-majority-leader-chuck-s….

The Evening World. “Chinese Endorse Plan to Wipe out Chinatown.” March 9, 1906. https://newscomwc.newspapers.com/image/467643626/.

Umbach, Greg (“Fritz"), and Dan Wishnoff. “Strategic Self-Orientalism: Urban Planning Policies and the Shaping of New York City’s Chinatown, 1950-2005.” Journal of Planning History 7, no. 3 (February 12, 2008): 214–38. https://doi.org/10.1177/1538513207313915.

Vitiello, Domenic, and Zoe Blickenderfer. “The Planned Destruction of Chinatowns in the United States and Canada since C.1900.” Planning Perspectives 35, no. 1 (September 25, 2018): 143–68. https://doi.org/10.1080/02665433.2018.1515653.

Wong, Diane. “Shop Talk and Everyday Sites of Resistance to Gentrification in Manhattan’s Chinatown.” Women’s Studies Quarterly 47, no. 1 & 2 (2019): 132–48. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26734049.

Yung, Susan. Chinatown Legacy Project: Susan Yung. Interview by Andrew Fairweather. New York Public Library Community Oral History Project, Winter 3, 2016. https://wayback.archive-it.org/14173/20200911231136mp_/http://oralhisto….